I Have inscrib’d this Design to this illustrious Name, whose great Actions have filled the World with Surprize and Admiration; Ramellies and Tanniers are immortal. And as it’s my greatest Honour to receive my Blood from his August House, I thought I could no where so properly consecrate the first Essay of my Invention, as an eternal Monument of the deepest Respect and Gratitude. I have given two Plates: In the first are two Plans in a Square of 112 Foot; the Apartments of State are below, raised from the Court by 6 Steps which leads into the great Hall, making a Cube of 50 Foot, and has a Poggio within dividing the two Stories; from the Hall you enter the Salon, attended with two noble Apartments of State fronting the Gardens; all the Rooms are either upon the Square, the Diagonal, or other Proportions universally received: In the second Story is a large Library, an Antichamber of each side, with double Apartments; over which are Mezonins, for accommodating the Family, illuminated by low Laterns from the Leads, whereby the Majesty of the Front is preserved from the ill Effect of crowded Apertures. The second is the Front, raised from the Plinth which supports the Rusticks, adorned with a Composite Order of ¼ Columns, with a regular Entablature and Ballustrade; the Windows are dress’d in the Palladian manner: And I have endeavoured to reconcile the Beauty of an Arcade in the ancient Buildings with the Conveniency of the Moderns, but must leave it to others to judge the Success. Anno 1714. Description of “A new Design for the Duke of Argyle” by Colen Campbell, Esq., Vitruvius Britannicus; or, The British architect, containing the plans, elevations, and sections of the regular buildings, both publick and private in Great Britain, with variety of new designs, Volume I (1717).
Reasons against the Restoration of Argyll Confiscated
Some reasons why Archibald Campbell, sometime Lord Lorn, ought not to be restored to the honour or estate of his late father, Archibald, sometime Marquess of Argyle (“Argyll”):—
- BECAUSE it hath been alwaies held very dangerous, both for the interest of the Prince and peace of the people, to restore the children of powerful traitors to their fathers’ honours or estates, which experience demonstrated to be too true in the Gowries.
The restoring of this family is in a special manner most dangerous, by reason of the scituation and vast bounds of the estate of Argyle (“Argyll”) in the Highlands, the great claim, many vassals and tenants that depend on it, all, or for the much greater part, ill principled, and inured to rebellion these last 20 years, who blindly follow their master’s commands, without any regard to their duty to God or the King, so that it is a most ﬁt place to be the nest and seminary of rebellion, as it proved in the late Argyle’s time, to the great prejudice of his Majestie’s service, and mine of many loyal subjects. And this same very reason was brought by the late Argyle against the Marquis of Antrum, to dispossesse him of the lordship of Kentyre (Cinntìre), which he had purchased with the consent of his late Majesty. For he pretended that it was dangerous to suffer the said Marquis of Antrum to enjoy these lands, by reason of the great power of the family of the MacDonalds, and of the bad consequences that usually follow the restoring of persons to an estate which they had formerly lost by forfeiture. But it’s evident to all men that this reason is much more forcible against Argyle himself and his posterity.
It’s directly against the council and advice of the modern Solomon K. James, his Majestie’s grandfather, of blessed memory, who, in his ‘Basilicondoron,’ speaks thus to his son: “As for the matter of forfeitures, which are also done in Parliaments, my advice is, you forfeit none but for such odious crimes as may make them unworthy ever to be restored again.” And in the same book, speaking of the High-landers and their oppressions, he subjoyns this good council to his son: “Put in execution the laws made against the over-lords and chieffs of their clans, and it will be no difficulty to daunton them.”
The restoring of this family would prove a dangerous president to encourage rebellious and traiterous spirits to perpetuate such horrid crimes as the late Argyle did, upon hopes, that whatsoever treasons they commit, their families and posterity may still stand: whereas, upon the contrary, the exemplary punishment and eradicating of this family (especially at this ﬁrst happy appearance of his Majestie’s justice) will be a scar-crow to all others, and serve as a beacon to make them shun the rocks of rebellion, which they know will undoubtedly shipwreck not only themselves, but also their posterity. In conﬁrmation whereof, it was observed that the late Argyle, when he received sentence, was more moved at that part which touched the ruine of his posterity and family, than for what concerned his own person.
The restoring of the son would be prejudicial to many of his Majestie’s loyal subjects of the best quality, and to divers orphans and widows who have been opprest and almost ruined by the father, and can expect no other reparation of their losses, but from the forfeiture of the said estate, unlesse his Majesty would put himself to unnecessary charges to repair them some other way.
The restoring of this family is not only dangerous and inconvenient for the aforesaid general reasons, but also for the said Archibald his particular faults and misdemeanors; for, besides that vice runs much in a bloud, as King James hath observed, it’s well known that both he and his brother Neil are of the same principles with their father, who died impenitent, asserting the Covenant, and sowing the seeds of sedition and rebellion, and, as it were, entailing it upon his children, as appears by his last speech — which bad principles were instilled in them both with their milk; and to make the elder more compleat, he was sent abroad to be bred at Geneva, with recommendations from his father to that Kirk, and to the Presbyterians of France, where he kept correspondence between his father and them; and the younger was lately proved to have been privy and consenting to all his father’s treacherous complyances with the English in Scotland, and to have been actually in arms with them.
The bad principles and inclinations of the elder appeared when his Majesty retired from St Johnstons, with intention to go to some of his loyal subjects in the northern parts of Scotland; for immediately upon that news he rifled his Majestie’s cabinets, and, after his Majestie’s return, he being captain of the guard, put a padlock on his Majestie’s door, keeping him a prisoner — which sufﬁciently shows that he is his father’s son.
To evidence further his bad inclinations and aversion from his Majestie’s service, he never raised regiment or company all the time the King was in Scotland to joyn with the Royal army. But a little before his Majesty was to march into England, he eagerly urged that some parties might be drawn out of every regiment to make up one for himself, under pretence of the King’s Guard; and though he knew that would be undoubtedly denied him, yet he still persisted to press the same, on pur pose to have some pretence of discontent, that so he might avoid marching into England with his Majesty, which shal be testiﬁed by some who were then privy to his father’s and his own designs.
Though it be pretended, for expiation of these misdemeanours, that he appeared thereafter in his Majestie’s service in the High-lands, under the Earl of Glencairne and Middleton, his Majestie’s generals, yet that doth no waies eveience his loyalty, and cannot expiate the least of his faults, for divers reasons: (1) Because when he was there, in his usual discourses he eagerly asserted the Covenant, and justiﬁed the barbarous death of the renowned Marquess of Montross, his Majestie’s general, as he had barbarously and scandalously insulted over him at his carting and execution. (2) Because even then he combined with the late Lord Balcarras to divide his Majestie’s forces, by endeavouring to renew and set up that fatal and rebellious Covenant. (3) Because he endeavoured also another way to destroy those forces by using all possible persuasions with the Viscount of Kenmure to make him usurp the general’s place, not only without, but against the King’s order; and fearing this unsuccessful treachery would come out, to shun his deserved punishment he immediately ﬂed away to his father’s bounds, from whence he wrote letters to make some chief gentlemen desert his Majestie’s general, and so break his forces. And this is all the great loyalty that ever he shewed, which is so much brag’d of by his friends and intercessours.
And that he persisted still in the same bad inclinations divers years after, appeared lately; for when General Monck, now Duke of Albemarle, was upon his last march into England, and had made some transactions with his Majestie’s loyal subjects of Scotland for promoting his Majestie’s happy restoration, the said Archibald, then dwelling in one of the Marquesse of Huntlye’s houses, did not only divert all those under his power, but also dealt with divers others, to enter into a combination with him, and to sign bonds to oppose the said general’s noble and immortal designs.
The restoring of the said Archibald will be also dangerous for the great store of money that in all probability is left him by his father, who received great summes from the pretended States of Scotland for all his treacherous and cruel expeditions against his Majestie’s loyal subjects there; and also from the Parliament of England, and particularly 40 thousand pound sterling at the delivering up of the ‘King at Newcastle, besides a good summe he had thereafter from Cromwell; and what he made up by the revenues of two bishopricks these 20 years, by seizing the Marquess of Huntlye’s estate, and a part of the Marquess of Montrosses; by exacting divers of his Majestie’s few-duties payable to the Exchequer; by oppressing of many gentlemen his neighbours, and dispossessing them of their estates: all which cannot amount to lesse then a hundred and ﬁfty thousand pound sterling, which summe must remain entire or little diminished, since it’s known he lived sparingly, and these last 20 years he would pay none of his debts, neither principals nor proﬁts; so that his son, having such store of money, is as powerfull as his father to do mischief if he be restored.
Lastly, as the restoring of this family would be a notable prejudice to many who have been opprest by it, and no small grief to his Majestie’s loyal subjects, who justly apprehend the dangers that may thence ensue to his Majestie’s prejudice and disturbance of the nation, and would strengthen the hands of his Majestie’s enemies and weaken his friends, so it is the only hopes and desire of those who have been enemies to his Majestie’s father, of blessed memory, or who by this means expect the resurrection of the rebellious Covenant so destructive to monarchy. And therefore that family in prudence ought not to be restored.
1 From the Pamphlet of an Enemy of the Argyll Family.
— Lord Archibald Campbell’s Records of Argyll (1885).
Duncane Campbell, eldast and lauchfull sone to the foirsaid Sir Colene, succedit fourt laird of Glenvrqhuay.
The said Duncane mareit Mariory [Elizabeth] Colquhoun, dochtir to the laird of Lus, on quhome he begatt ane sone, quha deit in his minoritie.
The foirsaid Duncane levit laird be the space off threttene yeiris, keping all things left to him be his worthy predicessouris.
He departit this lyffe in the castell of Glenvquhay the 5 of September 1536.
And was honorablie bureit in the chapell foirsaid of Finlarg.
— The Black Book of Taymouth.
To us, looking back, he appears a personage as singular as he is loveable, in whom, through all the mists of the past, and all the cross-lights of legend, the man may still be recognised under the saint — a man capable and worthy of the supreme honour of holiness, since he knew how to subdue his inclinations, his weakness, his instincts, and his passions, and to transform them into docile and invincible weapons for the salvation of souls and the glory of God. Charles-Forbes-René, Comte de Montalembert, St. Columba: Apostle of Caledonia (1868), p. 137.
Whatever the acknowledged intention of the compilers, [the Prayer-Book] can and does add up to an ascetical system of brilliant simplicity. A good deal is said and written about the ambiguity of rubric and the omission of clear ceremonial direction; what is overlooked is the significance of a far greater omission than this. About one-sixth of the Prayer Book deals with sacraments and rites for the occasional necessities of life, including, of course, the initiatory sacraments. All the rest — five-sixths — is concerned with Holy Communion and the Office; and nothing else whatsoever. It is more rigidly ascetical than the Rule of St Benedict! Martin Thornton, Feed My Lambs (1960), VI.