The Fifth Realm

Arms of the Virginia Company of London, engraving by Simon Gribelin, frontispiece to second edition of Robert Beverley’s The History of Virginia in Four Parts, London, 1722.

Mary Aggie and Benefit of Clergy in Virginia

Miserere mei, Deus, secundum magnam misericordiam tuam;
et secundum multitudinem miserationum tuarum, dele iniquitatem meam.

Psalmus 50. iii.



An Act for settling some doubts and differences of opinion, in relation to the benefit of Clergy; for allowing the same to Women; and taking away of Reading; and to disable certain Persons, therein mentioned, to be Witnesses.

I. WHEREAS it has been held, That where, by an act of parliament, made in England before the settlement of this colony, the benefit of clergy, as it is called, hath been taken away from any offences, that persons committing the like offences in this colony, are excluded by virtue thereof; but this opinion, if it were nicely examined, might possibly be questioned: And for settling the law in that point,

II. Be it enacted, by the Lieutenant-Governor, Council and Burgesses, of this present General Assembly, and by the authority of the same, That where, by any act of the parliament of England, made before the fourth year of the reign of the late king James the first, the benefit of clergy is taken away from any offence, the same shall hereafter be adjudged to be taken away from the like offence, committed in this colony, in respect to principals, and accessories standing mute, and challenging a greater number of the jury than the law allows.

III. And whereas the old distinction, of allowing the benefit of clergy, to men only, and excluding women, and putting the offender, being a layman, to read, hath been taken away by the parliament of England: Be it enacted, That where a man, being convicted of any felony, may demand the benefit of his clergy, if a woman be convicted of the same, or the like offence, upon her prayer to have the benefit of this act, judgment of death shall not be given against her upon such conviction, nor execution awarded upon any outlawry, for such offence; but she shall suffer the same punishment as a man should suffer, that has the benefit of his clergy allowed him in the like case; That is to say, shall be burnt in the hand by the jailor in open court, and shall be afterwards dealt with, as a man in the like case might be. And if any person be convicted of a felony, for which he ought to have the benefit of clergy, and shall pray to have the benefit of this act, he shall not be required to read, but without any reading, shall be allowed, taken, and reputed to be, and punished as a clerk convict; which shall be as effectual, to all intents and purposes, and as advantageous to him, as if he had read as a clerk; any other law or statute, to the contrary hereof, in any wise, notwithstanding. Clergy allowed to women.

IV. And whereas a question hath lately arisen, touching the right of negros, to the benefit of clergy: for the determination thereof, Be it further enacted, That when any negro, mulatto, or Indian whatsoever, shall be convicted of any offence within the benefit of clergy, judgment of death shall not be given against him or her, upon such conviction; but he or she, shall be burnt in the hand in open court, by the jailor, and suffer such other corporal punishment, as the court shall think fit to inflict; except where such negro, mulatto, or Indian, shall be convicted of manslaughter, or the felonious breaking and entring any house in the night-time, or for breaking and entring in the day-time any house, and taking from thence any goods or chattels whatsoever, to the value of five shillings sterling; and where he or she hath once had the benefit of this act; and in those cases, such negro, mulatto, or Indian, shall suffer death, and be excluded from the benefit of this act.

V. And whereas negros, mulattos, and Indians, have lately been frequently allowed to give testimony as lawful witnesses in the general court, and other courts of this colony, when they have professed themselves to be christians, and been able to give some account of the principles of the christian religion: but forasmuch as they are people of such base and corrupt natures, that the credit of their testimony cannot be certainly depended upon, and some juries have altogether rejected their evidence, and others have given full credit thereto: For preventing the mischiefs that may possibly happen by admitting such precarious evidence,

VI. Be it further enacted, That no negro, mulatto, or indian, either a slave or free, shall hereafter be admitted in any court of this colony, to be sworn as a witness, or give evidence in any cause whatsoever, except upon the trial of a slave, for a capital offence; in which such case they shall be allowed to give evidence, in the manner directed by one act of assembly, made in the ninth year of the reign of the late king George, intituled, An Act directing the trial of Slaves committing Capital Crimes; and for the more effectual punishing Conspiracies and Insurrections of them; and for the better government of Negros, Mulattos, and Indians, bond or free.

Mary Aggie

In one of these Courts, in January last, a Negro woman Slave was tryed for stealing; and as I knew her to be a Christian (for not long before she had, upon some pretence, I forget what, sued for her Freedom in the General Court, where she was examined touching her Faith of which she gave a tolerable account) I desired a Lawyer to attend the Tryal, and in case she was found Guilty, to inform the Justices that notwithstanding she was a Slave, it was my opinion, as a christian, she was Intitled to the benefit of the Clergy; upon which after some little debate, for it was never Inquired into before, the Question was put, and the judges were divided, so it was agreed to be deferr’d until another and a fuller Court. When a report was made to me of their Proceedings, and fearing it might go against her if I left to be determined there, I advised with our ablest Lawyers, and from the county court had it Adjourned into the General Court, resolving to have this Matter argued in the most public manner by our best Lawyers, as a thing of great consequence, by which all the courts in the country for the future should govern themselves, and not doubting but it would be carried in favour of the Christian though a black one; But when the Day of hearing came, notwithstanding four out of five of the Gentlemen learned in the Law, of which number the King’s Attorney General was one, gave it as their opinion, supported by Proper Arguments, that she had a Right to plead the benefit of that statute, when put the Question, we were divided here too, six and six; and now it rests to be determined by the opinion of the Sollicitor & Attorney General in England, which I shall send for as soon as our Lawyers have drawn up a State of the Case as they have directions to do, with the sense of the Laws of this Country, and political reasons for and against it. But I can assure your Lordship that there is no Law against it, if there is, I think it ought to be repealed: and for political reasons, they are of equal force against white as black People being Christians. I shant trouble your Lordship with particulars, but thought it my Duty to acquaint your Lordship with it, not knowing whether Mr Commissary will do so or not, who was one of the judges.

— Extract from letter of Lt. Governor William Gooch to the Bishop of London, Williamsburg, 28 May 1731.

Virginia, See, Thy Governor Appears!

Norborne Berkeley, 4th Baron Botetourt (c. 1717 – 15 October 1770), courtier, member of parliament, and royal governor of the colony of Virginia from 1768 until his death in 1770.
Norborne Berkeley, 4th Baron Botetourt (c. 1717 – 15 October 1770), courtier, member of parliament, and royal governor of the colony of Virginia from 1768 until his death in 1770.


VIRGINIA, see, thy GOVERNOR appears!
The peaceful olive in his brow he wears!
Sound the shrill trumpets, beat the rattling drums;
From Great Britannia’s isle his Lordship comes.
Bid Echo from the waving woods arise.
And joyful acclamations reach the skies;
Let the loud organs join their tuneful roar,
And bellowing cannons rend the pebbled shore :
Bid smooth James River catch the cheerful sound,
And roll it to Virginia’s utmost bound;
While Rappahannock and York’s gliding stream,
Swift shall convey the sweetly pleasing theme
To distant plains, where pond’rous mountains rise,
Whose cloud-capp’d verges meet the bending skies.
The Lordly prize the Atlantic waves resign,
And now, Virginia, now the blessing’s thine:
His listening ears will to your trust attend,
And be your Guardian, Governor, and Friend.


He comes: his Excellency comes,
To cheer Virginian plains!
Fill your brisk bowls, ye loyal sons,
And sing your loftiest strains.
Be this your glory, this your boast,
Lord Botetourt’s the favorite toast;
Triumphant wreaths entwine;
Fill full your bumpers swiftly round,
And make your spacious rooms rebound
With music, joy, and wine.


Search every garden, strip the shrubby bowers,
And strew his path with sweet autumnal flowers!
Ye virgins, haste, prepare the fragrant rose.
And with triumphant laurels crown his brows.


Enter Virgins with flowers, laurels, &c.
See, we’ve stript each flowery bed;
Here’s laurels for his Lordly Head;
And while Virginia is his care.
May he protect the virtuous fair.


Long may he live in health and peace.
And ev’ry hour his joys increase.
To this let ev’ry swain and lass
Take the sparkling, flowing glass;
Then join the sprightly dance, and sing.
Health to our Governor, and God save the King.


Health to our Governor.

Bass Solo.

Health to our Governor.


Health to our Governor, and GOD save the KING!

— published in The Virginia Gazette, November, 1768.

Cromwell, Lincoln, and Virginia

Cromwell, Lincoln and Virginia.

When Oliver Cromwell was installed Protector of England, the Commonwealth of Virginia refused to acknowledge his authority. The English Commonwealth was then at the height of its power, and, at its head, one who was admirably described by Bossuet as “a man of an incredible depth of thought; as profound a hypocrite as he was a skillful politician; capable alike of concealing and undertaking everything; active and indefatigable equally in peace as war; so vigilant and active that he has never proved himself wanting to any opportunity which presented itself to his elevation; in fine, one of those stirring and audacious spirits which seem born to overturn the world.” Such was the Commonwealth and such the man, triumphant over all other enemies, against which this gallant Commonwealth, then numbering only twenty thousand inhabitants, unfurled the standard of defence.

The Commonwealth of England was disposed to submit to this resistance.–Virginia, from the first, had arrayed itself on the side of the King. During the whole preceding struggle of Charles and the Parliament, Virginia was firm in its adherence to the monarch, and enacted a declaration “that they were born under a monarchy, and would never degenerate from the condition of their birth by being subject to any other government.” After the beheading of Charles I., Virginia acknowledged the authority of his son, and actually continued the provincial government under a commission sent by him from his retreat at Breda to Sir William Berkeley. The wrath of Parliament was intensely roused by this bold and persistent contumacy; an ordinance was issued declaring the inhabitants of Virginia notorious robbers and traitors, and all intercourse prohibited with them, either by the people of England, the inhabitants of the other American settlements, or with foreign nations. Finally, a fleet was sent over to overpower the rebellious colony. But observe the difference between the great intellects that then ruled England and the Government of the United States. Cromwell extended the olive branch as well as the sword, and commissioners accompanied the fleet, who were empowered to try the effect of pacific and conciliatory measures. The result proved the wisdom of the policy.

“It marks,” says Bancroft, a Massachusetts historian, “the character of the Virginians, that they refused to surrender to force, but yielded by a voluntary deed and mutual compact. We copy the articles concluded between the commissioners of the Commonwealth, and the Council of State, and the Grand Assembly of Virginia, that our readers may contrast them with the terms of Lincoln’s so-called amnesty:

“First. That this should be considered a voluntary act, not forced or constrained by a conquest upon the country; and that the colonists should have and enjoy such freedoms and privileges as belong to the free-born people of England.
“Secondly. That the Grand Assembly, as formerly, should convene and transact the affairs of Virginia, doing nothing contrary to the Government of the Commonwealth or laws of England.
“Thirdly. That there should be a full and total remission of all acts, words, or writings against the Parliament.
“Fourthly. That Virginia should have her ancient bounds and limits, granted by the charters of the former kings, and that a new charter was to be sought from Parliament to that effect, against such as had trespassed upon their ancient rights. (This clause would seem to be aimed at some of the neighboring colonies.)
“Fifthly. That all patents of land under the seal of the colony, granted by the Governor, should remain in full force.
“Sixthly. That the privilege of fifty acres of land for every person emigrating to the colony should remain in full force.
“Sevenths. That the people of Virginia have free trade, as the people of England enjoy, with all places and nations, according to the laws of the Commonwealth; and that Virginia should enjoy equal privileges, in every respect, with any other colony in America.
“Eighths. That Virginia should be free from all taxes, customs and impositions whatever; and that none should be imposed upon them without the consent of their Grand Assembly; and no forts or castles be erected, or garrisons maintained, without their consent.
“Ninth. That no charge should be required from the country on account of the expense incurred by the present fleet.
“Tenths. That this agreement should be tendered to all persons, and that such as should refuse to subscribe to it should have a year’s time to remove themselves and effects from Virginia, and in the meantime enjoy equal justice.”

The remaining articles were of less importance. This was followed by a supplemental treaty, for the benefit of the Governor and Council, and such soldiers as had served against the Commonwealth in England—allowing them the most favorable terms.

We need not enumerate the unconditional-surrender terms proposed by Lincoln. Their contrast to the overtures by which Cromwell pacificated the colony is too striking to require comment.

The record of Virginia from the first, warrants the pride and devotion of persons. The correspondence between the rights secured under the articles with the Commonwealth Parliament, and the rights mentioned in the Declaration of Independence, as violated by the British King, will suggest itself to every intelligent reader. That Old Dominion, with all its traditional love of monarchy; would not permit even its born king to trample upon its rights. If it did not lead the way in the American Revolution, it came up in due time; and, like a broad-shouldered and double-jointed giant, carried it through when others tottered and trembled under the burthen. “Beware of entrance to a quarrel, but, being in, bear it that the opposer may beware of thee,” seems to have been always the maxim of this deliberate and plucky old Commonwealth. But for Virginia, and Virginia’s Washington, what would have become of the American Revolution?

It becomes not us to speak of her career in the present war. She arrogates to herself no superiority over her patriotic and heroic sister States. She has been reproached, indeed, for coming so late into the contest. It is true, that in this Revolution, as in that of ’76, she was not in a hurry. She exhausted every effort for peace, conciliation and compromise before she drew the sword. She seemed like her great orator, Patrick Henry, somewhat awkward and hesitating in her first utterances in the grand debate. But she waxes warm as she proceeds, and then the lightnings flash and the thunders roll over the heated sky. Whatever be the result of this struggle, no Virginian will have reason to be ashamed of his State. Let Lincoln, more despotic than Cromwell, deprive her of her liberties and expunge her name from the roll of States, he cannot despoil her of the Past, nor extinguish the lustre with which History will reflect the majestic luminary long after it has descended beneath the horizon.

— The Daily Dispatch: 25 January 1865; Richmond Dispatch.

“Whereas George Guelf…”

Seal of the Commonwealth of Virginia, Mitchell, Henry, The State Arms of the Union, Boston: L. Prang & Co. (1875).
Seal of the Commonwealth of Virginia, Mitchell, Henry, The State Arms of the Union, Boston: L. Prang & Co. (1875).

Whereas George Guelf king of Great Britain and Ireland and Elector of Hanover, heretofore entrusted with the exercise of the kingly office in this government hath endeavored to pervert the same into a detestable and insupportable tyranny;

by putting his negative on laws the most wholesome & necessary for ye public good;

by denying to his governors permission to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations for his assent, and, when so suspended, neglecting to attend to them for many years;

by refusing to pass certain other laws, unless the person to be benefited by them would relinquish the inestimable right of representation in the legislature

by dissolving legislative assemblies repeatedly and continually for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people;

when dissolved, by refusing to call others for a long space of time, thereby leaving the political system without any legislative head;

by endeavoring to prevent the population of our country, & for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners & raising the condition [lacking appro]priations of lands;

[by keeping among u]s, in times of peace, standing armies and ships of war;

[lack]ing to render the military independent of & superior to the civil power;

by combining with others to subject us to a foreign jurisdiction, giving his assent to their pretended acts of legislation.

for quartering large bodies of troops among us;

for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

for imposing taxes on us without our consent;

for depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury;

for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences; and

for suspending our own legislatures & declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever;

by plundering our seas, ravaging our coasts, burning our towns and destroying the lives of our people;

by inciting insurrections of our fellow subjects with the allurements of forfeiture & confiscation;

by prompting our negroes to rise in arms among us; those very negroes whom he hath from time to time by an inhuman use of his negative he hath refused permission to exclude by law;

by endeavoring to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, & conditions of existence;

by transporting at this time a large army of foreign mercenaries [to complete] the works of death, desolation & tyranny already begun with circum[stances] of cruelty & perfidy so unworthy the head of a civilized nation;

by answering our repeated petitions for redress with a repetition of injuries;

and finally by abandoning the helm of government and declaring us out of his allegiance & protection;

by which several acts of misrule the said George Guelf has forfeited the kingly office and has rendered it necessary for the preservation of the people that he should be immediately deposed from the same, and divested of all its privileges, powers, & prerogatives:

And forasmuch as the public liberty may be more certainly secured by abolishing an office which all experience hath shewn to be inveterately inimical thereto or which and it will thereupon become further necessary to re-establish such ancient principles as are friendly to the rights of the people and to declare certain others which may co-operate with and fortify the same in future.

Be it therefore enacted by the authority of the people that the said, George Guelf be, and he hereby is deposed from the kingly office within this government and absolutely divested of all it’s [sic] rights, powers, and prerogatives: and that he and his descendants and all persons acting by or through him, and all other persons whatsoever shall be and forever remain incapable of the same: and that the said office shall henceforth cease and never more either in name or substance be re-established within this colony.

— Thomas Jefferson, Proposed Constitution for Virginia, June, 1776.

Pregnant with Ruin

Logo of the Jamestown Exposition, held from 26 April to 1 December 1907, at Sewell's Point on Hampton Roads, in Norfolk, Virginia, in commemoration of the 300th anniversary of the foundation of Jamestown.
Logo of the Jamestown Exposition, held from 26 April to 1 December 1907, at Sewell’s Point on Hampton Roads, in Norfolk, Virginia, in commemoration of the 300th anniversary of the foundation of Jamestown.



The coming Jamestown Exposition brings to light many historic facts long since forgotten. While loath to leave the British Empire, the patriots of Norfolk, Va., were the first to resent the aggression of the British Stamp Act, which led to the American Revolution. Under the name of “The Sons of Liberty” they assembled in Norfolk on March 13, and in bold and determined phrases announced their intention of resisting any further aggression on the part of the English Parliament. This was two months before the promulgation of the celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence and nearly five before the thirteen colonies assembled in Philadelphia to forever cast off the authority of the British crown and start the country on a career of prosperity and splendor which will be celebrated at the Jamestown Exposition, to be held at Hampton Roads, near Norfolk, in 1907. Extracts:

Having taken into consideration the evident tendency of that oppressive and unconstitutional act of Parliament commonly called the Stamp Act, and being desirous that our sentiments should be known to posterity and recollecting that we are a part of the colony who first in General Assembly openly expressed their detestation to the said act, which is pregnant with ruin and productive of the most pernicious consequences, and unwilling to rivet shackles of slavery and oppression on ourselves and millions yet unborn, hereby resolve:

  1. That we acknowledge our lord and sovereign, King George the Third, to be our rightful and lawful king; and that we will at all times, to the utmost of our power and ability, support and defend his most sacred person, crown, and dignity; and shall always be ready, when constitutionally called upon, to assist his Majesty with our lives and fortunes and to defend his just rights and prerogatives.
  2. That we will by all lawful ways and means which Divine Providence has put into our hands defend ourselves in the full enjoyment of, and preserve inviolate to posterity, those inestimable privileges of all freeborn British subjects, of being taxed only by representatives of their own choosing, and of being tried by none but a jury of their peers; and that if we quietly submit to the execution of the said Stamp Act all our claims to civil liberty will be lost, and we will be deprived of the invaluable privileges aforementioned.
  3. That a committee be appointed who shall in such manner as they think proper go upon necessary business and make public the above resolutions, and that they correspond as they shall see occasion with the Associated Sons of and Friends to Liberty in the other British Colonies of America.

As a result of the adoption of the resolutions Lord Dunmore, the British Colonial Governor, made a demonstration before Norfolk, and several shots were fired into the city from the frigate Liverpool. As a result of this and other outrages the Norfolk people were ready to throw off all authority and join with the other colonies when the Philadelphia Declaration of Independence was promulgated.

— Extracted from Confederate Veteran, vol. XIV, no. 8, August 1906.

The Crying Bloud of Our Pious Souveraigne

Speech of Sir Wm. Berkeley before the Grand Assembly in Virginia, March 1651 (1650/51).

GENTLEMEN you perceave by the Declaration that the men of Westminster have set out, which I beleeve you have all seene, how they meane to deal with you hereafter, who in the time of their wooing and courting you propound such hard Conditions to be performed on your parts, & on their own nothing but a benigne acceptance of your duties to them.

Indeed me thinks they might have proposed something to us which might have strengthned us to beare those heavy chaines they are making ready for us, though it were but an assurance that we shall eat the bread for which our owne Oxen plow, and with our owne sweat we reape; but this assurance (it seemes) were a franchise beyond the Condition they have resolu’d on the Question we ought to be in: For the reason why they talke so Magisterially to us in this, we are forsooth their worships slaves, bought with their money and by consequence ought not to buy, or sell but with those they shall Authorize with a few trifles to Coszen us of all for which we toile and labour.

If the whole Current of their reasoning were not as ridiculous, as their actions have been Tyrannicall and bloudy; we might wonder with what browes they could sustaine such impertinent assertions: For if you looke into it, the strength of their argument runs onely thus: we have laid violent hands on your Land-Lord, possess’d his Manner house where you used to pay your rents, therfore now tender your respects to the same house you once reverenced: I call my conscience to witnes, I lie not, I cannot in all their Declaration perceave a stronger argument for what they would impose on us, then this which I have now told you: They talke indeed of money laid out on this Country in its infancy: I will not say how little, nor how Centuply repaid, but will onely aske, was it theirs? They who in the beginning of this warr were so poore, & indigent, that the wealth and rapines of three Kingdomes & their Churches too, cannot yet make rich, but are faine to seeke out new Territories and impositions to sustaine their Luxury amongst themselves. Surely Gentlemen we are more slaves by nature, then their power can make us if we suffer ourselves to be shaken with these paper bulletts, & those on my life are the heaviest they either can or will send us.

‘Tis true with us they have long threatned the Barbados, yet not a ship goes thither but to beg trade, nor will they do to us, if we dare Honourably resist their Imperious Ordinance. Assuredly Gentlemen you have heard under what heavy burthens, the afflicted English Nation now groanes, and calls to heaven for relief: how new and formerly unheard of impositions make the wifes pray for barreness and their husbands deafnes to exclude the cryes of their succourles, starving children: And I am confident you
do believe, none would long endure this slavery, if the sword at their throats Did not Compell them to Languish under the misery they howrely suffer. Looke on their sufferings with the eyes of understanding, and that will prevent all your teares but those of Compassion. Consider with what prisons and Axes they have paid those that have served them to the hazard of their soules: Consider your selves how happy you are and have been, how the Gates of wealth and Honour are shut on no man, and that there is not here an Arbitrary hand that dares to touch the substance of either poore or rich: But that which I woud have you chiefly consider with thankfullnes is: That God hath seperated you from the guilt of the crying bloud of our Pious Souveraigne of ever blessed memory: But mistake not Gentlemen part of it will yet staine your garments if you willingly submit to those murtherers hands that shed it: I tremble to thinke how the oathes they will impose will make those guilty of it, that have long abhor’d the traiterousnesse of the act: But I confesse having had so frequent testimonies of your truths and courages, I cannot have a reasonable suspition of any cowardly falling of from the former resolutions, and have onely mentioned this last, as a part of my duty and care of you, not
of my reall doubts and fears: or if with untryed men we were to argue on this subject, what is it can be hoped for in a change, which we have not allready? Is it liberty? The sun looks not on a people more free then we are from all oppression. Is it wealth? Hundreds of examples shew us that Industry & Thrift in a short time may bring us to as high a degree of it, as the Country and our Conditions are yet capable of: Is it securety to enjoy this wealth when gotten? With out blushing I will speake it, I am confident theare lives not that person can accuse me of attempting the least act against any mans property? Is it peace? The Indians, God be blessed round about us are subdued; we can onely feare the Londoners, who would faine bring us to the same poverty, wherein the Dutch found and relieved us; would take away the liberty of our consciences, and tongues, and our right of giving and selling our goods to whom we please. But Gentlemen
by the Grace of God we will not so tamely part with our King, and all these blessings we enjoy under him; and if they oppose us, do but follow me, I will either lead you to victory, or loose a life which I cannot more gloriously sacrifice then for my loyalty, and your security.

Colours, Gildings, and Embroideries

Statue of James Blair at Williamsburg.
Statue of James Blair, Commissary of the Bishop of London in the Virginia Colony, at Williamsburg.

I doubt not but it was designed to cast a slur upon the vanity of apparel, since it is a thing of so little estimation in the sight of God that He bestows it in the highest degree on the meanest of his creatures. For it is to be presumed, had it been a thing of any great worth in itself, instead of bestowing these admirable varieties of colours, gildings, and embroideries upon tulips, He would have bestowed them upon creatures of higher dignity. Whereas, on mankind He has bestowed but very sparingly of these gaudy colours and features; a great part of them being black, a great part of them being tauny, and a great part being of other wan and dusky complexions, show that it is not the outward gaudy beauty that He values, but the ornaments of the mind — Christian graces and virtues — which, in His sight, are of great price.

From sermon preached at Bruton Parish Church by Commissary Blair.

Ye Present Scituation of Affairs

Detail of portrait of Lieutenant-Governor Alexander Spotswood by Charles Bridges (1736).
Detail of portrait of Lieutenant-Governor Alexander Spotswood by Charles Bridges (1736).

VIRGINIA, October 15, 1712.

To ye Council of Trade:


The arrival of the Dulwich Frygat, with her Maj’t’s proclamation for a Cessation of Arms, gives me the opportunity of a few Minutes to inform y’r Lord’ps of ye present Scituation of Affairs in these parts.

The Indians continue their Incursions in North Carolina, and the Death of Colo. Hyde, their Gov’r, w’ch happened the beginning of last Month, increases the misery of that province, so much weakened already by their own divisions, that no measures projected by those in the Governm’t for curbing the Heathen can be prosecuted.

This Unhappy State of her Maj’t’s Subjects in my Neighbourhood is ye more Affecting to me because I have very little hopes of being enabled to relieve them by our Assembly, which I have called to meet next Week; for the Mob of this Country, having tryed their Strength in the late Election and finding themselves able to carry whom they please, have generally chosen representatives of their own Class, who as their principal Recommendation have declared their resolution to raise no Tax on the people, let the occasion be what it will. This is owing to a defect in the Constitution, which allows to every one tho’ but just out of the Condition of a Serv’t, and that can but purchase half an acre of Land, an equal Vote with the Man of the best Estate in the Country.

The Militia of this Colony is perfectly useless without Arms or amunition, and by an unaccountable infatuation, no arguments I have used can prevail on these people to make their Militia more Serviceable, or to fall into any other measures for the Defence of their Country. The fear of Enemys by Sea, (except that of pirates,) are now happily removed by the peace, (which if on no other acc’t than that alone,) ought to be received here as the greatest and most valuable blessing; but the Insurrections of our own Negroes, or the Invasions of the Indians, are no less to be dreaded, while the people are so stupidly averse to the only means they have left to protect themselves Against either of these Events. I shall, for my own part, take all the care I am capable of (under these disadvantages) for the safety of her Ma’tie’s Subjects, and still endeav’r to testify to yo’r Lord’ps that I am with due respect.

Take the Hatchet into Y’r Hands

Portrait of Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, by an unknown artist, c. 1760-1765, National Portrait Gallery, London.
Portrait of Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, by an unknown artist, c. 1760-1765, National Portrait Gallery, London.

January 1754.

Brethren of the Six Nat’s:

Since the Designs of Y’r Enemies can be no longer doubted of, and it is manifest that they intend to deprive You of Y’r hunting Grounds on the Ohio, and Liberties, and to break the Peace that they have pretended to maintain with us, I have therefore thought proper as Y’r good Friend and Brother to let You know that I have given Com’o and Orders to my Officers to join You with some Forces if You will take the Hatchet into Y’r Hands. And as there is no Quest’n but that Y’r Enemy may be now easily driven away if not suffer’d to become more numerous, I do therefore advise You not to loose any Time, but imediately to send out Y’r Warriors; to whose Assistance I propose in a short Time to send a considerable Number of our Soldiers. Wishing You Health and Success I bid You Farewell.

Such an Inveteracy As Justifies My Suspicion

Print of the Bodleian Plate, depicting the colonial architecture of Williamsburg, Virginia. The plate, discovered in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, was critical to the reconstruction of Williamsburg in the early-mid 20th century. Collection: A. D. White Architectural Photographs, Cornell University Library. Accession Number: 15/5/3090.00557. Title: College of William and Mary Map date: ca. 1781-ca. 1782. Photograph date: ca. 1935. Location: North and Central America: United States; Virginia, Williamsburg. Materials: gelatin silver print. Image: 7 x 9 1/4 in. Provenance: Transfer from the College of Architecture, Art and Planning.
Print of the Bodleian Plate, depicting the colonial architecture of Williamsburg, Virginia. The plate, discovered in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, was critical to the reconstruction of Williamsburg in the early-mid 20th century. Collection: A. D. White Architectural Photographs, Cornell University Library. Accession Number: 15/5/3090.00557. Title: College of William and Mary Map date: ca. 1781-ca. 1782. Photograph date: ca. 1935. Location: North and Central America: United States; Virginia, Williamsburg. Materials: gelatin silver print. Image: 7 x 9 1/4 in. Provenance: Transfer from the College of Architecture, Art and Planning.

Saturday, the 10th of June, 15 Geo. III. 1775.

A Meſſage from the Council by Mr Blair:

Mr Speaker,

    His Excellency, the Governor, hath deſired the Preſident to communicate to this Houſe his anſwer to the joint Addreſs of the Council and the Houſe of Burgeſſes, preſented Yeſterday to his Excellency; and he preſented the ſaid Anſwer at the Bar.

And then the Meſſenger withdrew.
The Governor‘s Anſwer was read, and is as followeth, viz.

Gentlemen, of the Council, Mr Speaker, and
    Gentlemen of the Houſe of Burgeſſes.

    In anſwer to your joint Addreſs, preſented by your deputies yeſterday, I acquaint you, that it appears to me the commotions among the People, and their menaces and threats (an enumeration of which I forbear, out of tenderneſs) have been of ſuch public notoriety, that you muſt ſuppoſe many of his Majeſty’s ſubjects in this Colony, whether they meditated or not, have at leaſt manifeſted, ſuch an inveteracy as juſtifies my ſuſpicion that they would not heſitate to commit a Crime, which, horrid and atrocious as it is, I had juſt ground to apprehend. And when the diſpoſition which the Houſe of Burgeſſes have ſhown towards me, the returns they have made to the reſpect and civility which I have been forward to offer to them, the countenance they have given to the violent and diſorderly proceedings of the People, his Majeſty’s magazine having been forced and rifled in the preſence of ſome of the members of the Houſe of Burgeſſes, and, by the information of the Committee of the Houſe appointed to inſpect the Magazine, no other endeavours have been uſed than to prevail on the People to return the Arms taken out, but not to commit the Perſons in whoſe poſſeſſion they were found, in order that they might be brought to the puniſhment due to ſo heinous an offence, no leſs againſt the peace and good order of the Country than the dignity and authority of the King; when a body of Men aſſembled in the City of Williamſburg, not only to the knowledge, but with the approbation of every body, for the avowed purpoſe of attacking a party of the Kings forces, which, without the leaſt foundation, it was reported were marching to my protection, and which, if true, ought to have been approved and aided, not oppoſed and inſulted, by all good and loyal Subjects; when eſpecially the Houſe of Burgeſſes, or a committee of the Houſe (which is the ſame) has ventured upon a ſtep fraught with the moſt alarming conſequences, in ordering and appointing guards, without even conſulting me, to mount in the city of Williamſburg, as is pretended, to protect the Magazine, but which may well be doubted, as there then remained nothing therein which required being guarded; but if otherwiſe, this ſtep nevertheleſs ſhews a deſign to uſurp the executive power, which, if it be perſiſted in, ſubverts the conſtitution: I ſay, when theſe circumſtances duly conſidered, I may ſubmit it to your own judgment whether I could reaſonably expect any good effect from communicating the ground of my uneaſineſs to you.

    But as you are pleaſed, Gentlemen, now to aſſure me, that you will cheerfully concur in any meaſure that may be propoſed proper for the ſecurity of myſelf and family, I leave to your own conſideration whether that can be effected any other wiſe than by reinſtating me in the full powers of my office, as his Majeſty’s repreſentative, by opening the Courts of Juſtice, and reſtoring the energy of the Laws, which is all the ſecurity requiſite for all parties; by diſarming all independent companies, or other bodies of Men raiſed and acting in defiance of lawful authority, and by obliging thoſe who have taken any of his Majeſty’s public ſtore of Arms to deliver them up immediately; and, what is not leſs eſſential than any thing by your own example, and every means in your power, aboliſhing that Spirit of perſecution, which, to the diſgrace of humanity, now reigns, and purſues with menaces and acts of oppreſſion, all perſons who differ from the multitude in political opinion, or are attached from principles and duty to the ſervice of their King and government; by which means, the deluded People never hearing but the diſfigured ſide of a Story, their minds are continually kept in that ferment which ſubjects them forever to be impoſed upon, and leads to the commiſſion of any deſperate Act, and endangers the general ſafety. For the more ſpeedy accompliſhment of theſe ends, and the great object and neceſſary buſineſs of the Seſſions, I ſhall have no objection to your adjourning to the Town of York, where I ſhall meet you, and remain with you till your buſineſs be finiſhed.

With reſpect to your entreaty that I ſhould return to the Palace, as the moſt likely means of quieting the minds of the People, I muſt repreſent to you, that, unleſs there be among you a ſincere and active deſire to ſeize this opportunity, now offered to you by Parliament, of eſtabliſhing the freedom of your Country upon a fixed and known foundation, and of uniting yourſelves with your fellow ſubjects of Great Britain in one common bond of intereſt, and mutual aſſiſtance, my return to Williamſburg would be as fruitleſs to the People, as, poſſibly, it might be dangerous to myſelf. But if your proceedings manifeſt that happy diſpoſition, which is to be deſired ardently by every good friend to this as well as the Mother Country, I aſſure you, in the warmth of my heart, that I will return, with the greateſt joy, and ſhall conſider it as the moſt fortunate event of my Life if you give me an opportunity to be an inſtrument of promoting your happineſs, and a mediator between you and the ſupreme authority, to obtain for you every explanation of your doubts, and the fulleſt conviction of the ſincerity of their deſire to confirm to you the undiſturbed enjoyment of your rights and liberty; and I ſhall be well pleaſed, by bringing my family back again, that you ſhould have ſuch a pledge of my attachment to this Country, and of my wiſhes to cultivate a cloſe and laſting intimacy with the inhabitants.