This Unhappy Warre

Royal Arms of King Charles the Martyr, from Εἰκὼν Βασιλική, 1649.

For Thou, O Lord, seest clearly through all the cloudings of humane affaires; Thou judgest without prejudice: Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable Judgement.

O my God, the proud are risen against me, and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my soule, and have not set Thee before their eyes.

Consider My enemies, O Lord, for they are many, and they hate me with a deadly hatred without a cause.

For Thou knowest, I had no passion, designe or preparation to embroyle My Kingdomes in a Civill Warre; whereto I had least temptation; as knowing I must adventure more then any, and could gaine least of any by it.

Thou, O Lord, art my witnesse how oft I have deplored, and studied to divert the necessity thereof, wherein I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my Subjects blood, as to venture my own Life, which I have been oft compelled to doe in this unhappy Warre; and which were better spent to save then to destroy my People.

O Lord, I need much of thy grace, with patience to bear the many afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me; but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those, who not content that I suffer most by the Warre, will needs perswade the world that I have raised first, or given just cause to raise it.

The confidence of some mens false tongues is such, that they would make me almost suspect my own innocency: Yea, I could be content (at least by my silence) to take upon me so great a guilt before men, If by that I might allay the malice of my Enemies, and redeeme my People from this miserable Warre; since thou O Lord knowest my Innocency in this thing.

Thou wilt finde out bloudy and deceitfull men; many of whom have not lived out half their daies, in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsells.

Save, O Lord, thy servant, as hitherto thou hast, and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in Warre.

Arise O Lord, lift up thy self, because of the rage of mine Enemies, which encreaseth more and more. Behold them that have conceived mischief, travelled with iniquity, and brought forth falshood.

Thou knowest the chief designe of this Warre is, either to destroy My Person, or force My Judgment, and to make me renege my Conscience and thy Truth.

I am driven to crosse Davids choise and desire, rather to fall into the hands of men, by denying them, (thought their mercies be cruell) then into thy hands by sinning against My Conscience, and in that against thee, who art a consuming fire; Better they destroy Me, then thou shouldst damne Me.

Be thou ever the defence of My soul, who wilt save the upright in heart.

If nothing but My bloud will satisfie My Enemies, or quench the flames of My Kingdomes, or thy temporall Justice, I am content, if it be thy will, that it be shed by Mine owne Subjects hands.

But O let the bloud of Me, though their King, yet a sinner, be washed with the Bloud of My Innocent and peace-making Redeemer, for in that thy Justice will find not only a temporary expiation, but an eternall plenary satisfaction; both for my sins, and the sins of my People; whom I beseech thee still own for thine, and when thy wrath is appeased by my Death, O Remember thy great mercies toward them, and forgive them! O my Father, for they know not what they doe.

Eikon Basilike, ix.

A Pack of Hypocrites

WHERE are the days that we have seen,
When Phœbus shone fu’ bright, man,
Days when fu’ merry we have been,
When every one had right man;
Now gloomy clouds do overshade,
And spread wide over a’, man,
Ill boding comets blaze o’er head,
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

Now ill appears with face fu’ bare,
‘Mong high and low degree, man,
And great confusion every where,
Which every day we see, man;
A blind man’s chosen for a guide,
If they get not a fa’ man,
There’s none needs wonder if they slide,
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

We are divided as you see,
A sad and dreadful thing, man,
‘Twixt malice, pride, and presbytery,
And Satan leads the ring, man:
Our nation’s under misery,
And slavery with a’ man,
Yet deaf’d with din of liberty,
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

Our decent gowns are all put down,
Dare scarcely now be seen, man,
Geneva frocks take up their room,
Entitled to the tiends, man;
Who cant and speak the most discreet,
And say they love the law, man,
Yet are a pack of hypocrites,
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

Of primitive simplicity,
Which in our church was left, man,
Of truth and peace with prelacy,
Alas! we are bereft, man;
Instead of true humility,
And unity with a’ man,
Confusion’s mither presbytery,
Now spawns her brats thro’ a’ man.

The Lord’s prayer and the creed,
With glore to trinity, man,
New start-ups all these things exclude
And call them popery, man,
Rebellion’s horn they loudly tout,
With whinning tone and bla, man,
And leave the means of grace without;
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

Yet creed and Lord’s prayer too,
The true blue folks of old, man,
Ye know believed to be true,
And promised to hold, man.
But having proved false to God,
Traitors to kings with a’, man,
They never by their word abode;
O whirry whigs awa’, man.

Continue reading “A Pack of Hypocrites”

O Gleyd Argyll

Archibald Campbell, 8th Earl of Argyll.
Archibald Campbell, 8th Earl of Argyll.

“THE BONNIE HOUSE O’ AIRLIE.”

The father of the late Earl of Airlie, for several years acted as Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Among his retainers were two pipers; and at a levee at Holyrood Palace, the Moderator of the Assembly requested that the pipers should play “The Bonnie House o’ Airlie.” His Lordship replied that he was not certain whether they would, as one of the pipers was an Ogilvie, and the other a Campbell, but promised to try, and instructed his butler to give the order to the pipers to play the tune. In a little while one of them, the Ogilvie, marched into the room playing with much spirit. Summoning the butler again, the Earl asked why Campbell had not also come in. “I gave him the message, my Lord.” “Well, what did he say?” The man hesitated. “What did Campbell say?” again demanded the Earl. “He said—eh!—eh!—” still hesitating—”he said he would see your Lordship—” the rest of the sentence was lost in a cough and the skirl of Ogilvie’s pipes!

D. MacDougall.

The Celtic Monthly, February 1905.

* * *

It fell on a day, a bonny summer day,
When the corn was ripe and yellow,
That there fell oot a great dispute
Between Argyle aye and Airlie.

Lady Margaret looked o’er yon high castle wall,
And O but she sighed sairly.
She saw Argyle and a’ his men
Come to plunder the bonny hoose o’ Airlie.

“Come doun, come doun Lady Margaret,” he said.
“Come doun and kiss me fairly
Or gin the morning’s clear daylight
I willna leave a standing stane in Airlie.”

“I’ll no come doun, ye false Argyle,
Nor will I kiss thee fairly.
I wouldnae kiss the false Argyle
Though you wouldna leave a standin’ stane in Airlie.”

“For if my gude lord had been at hame,
As he’s awa’ wi’ Chairlie,
There wouldnae come a Campbell frae Argyle
Dare trod upon the bonny green o’ Airlie.”

“For I hae bore him seven bonny sons,
The eighth yin has never seen his daddy
But if I had as mony ower again
They would all be men for Chairlie.”

But poor Lady Margaret was forced to come doun
And O but she sighed sairly
For their in front o’ all his men
She was ravished on the bowlin’ green o’ Airlie.

“Draw your dirks, draw your dirks,” cried the brave Locheil.
“Unsheath your sword,” cried Chairlie,
“We’ll kindle sic a lowe roond the false Argyle,
And licht it wi’ a spark oot o’ Airlie.”

— Version collected by Hamish Henderson and Peter Kennedy at Fetterangus, 27 June 1955.

Continue reading “O Gleyd Argyll”

The Crying Bloud of Our Pious Souveraigne

Speech of Sir Wm. Berkeley before the Grand Assembly in Virginia, March 1651 (1650/51).

GENTLEMEN you perceave by the Declaration that the men of Westminster have set out, which I beleeve you have all seene, how they meane to deal with you hereafter, who in the time of their wooing and courting you propound such hard Conditions to be performed on your parts, & on their own nothing but a benigne acceptance of your duties to them.

Indeed me thinks they might have proposed something to us which might have strengthned us to beare those heavy chaines they are making ready for us, though it were but an assurance that we shall eat the bread for which our owne Oxen plow, and with our owne sweat we reape; but this assurance (it seemes) were a franchise beyond the Condition they have resolu’d on the Question we ought to be in: For the reason why they talke so Magisterially to us in this, we are forsooth their worships slaves, bought with their money and by consequence ought not to buy, or sell but with those they shall Authorize with a few trifles to Coszen us of all for which we toile and labour.

If the whole Current of their reasoning were not as ridiculous, as their actions have been Tyrannicall and bloudy; we might wonder with what browes they could sustaine such impertinent assertions: For if you looke into it, the strength of their argument runs onely thus: we have laid violent hands on your Land-Lord, possess’d his Manner house where you used to pay your rents, therfore now tender your respects to the same house you once reverenced: I call my conscience to witnes, I lie not, I cannot in all their Declaration perceave a stronger argument for what they would impose on us, then this which I have now told you: They talke indeed of money laid out on this Country in its infancy: I will not say how little, nor how Centuply repaid, but will onely aske, was it theirs? They who in the beginning of this warr were so poore, & indigent, that the wealth and rapines of three Kingdomes & their Churches too, cannot yet make rich, but are faine to seeke out new Territories and impositions to sustaine their Luxury amongst themselves. Surely Gentlemen we are more slaves by nature, then their power can make us if we suffer ourselves to be shaken with these paper bulletts, & those on my life are the heaviest they either can or will send us.

‘Tis true with us they have long threatned the Barbados, yet not a ship goes thither but to beg trade, nor will they do to us, if we dare Honourably resist their Imperious Ordinance. Assuredly Gentlemen you have heard under what heavy burthens, the afflicted English Nation now groanes, and calls to heaven for relief: how new and formerly unheard of impositions make the wifes pray for barreness and their husbands deafnes to exclude the cryes of their succourles, starving children: And I am confident you
do believe, none would long endure this slavery, if the sword at their throats Did not Compell them to Languish under the misery they howrely suffer. Looke on their sufferings with the eyes of understanding, and that will prevent all your teares but those of Compassion. Consider with what prisons and Axes they have paid those that have served them to the hazard of their soules: Consider your selves how happy you are and have been, how the Gates of wealth and Honour are shut on no man, and that there is not here an Arbitrary hand that dares to touch the substance of either poore or rich: But that which I woud have you chiefly consider with thankfullnes is: That God hath seperated you from the guilt of the crying bloud of our Pious Souveraigne of ever blessed memory: But mistake not Gentlemen part of it will yet staine your garments if you willingly submit to those murtherers hands that shed it: I tremble to thinke how the oathes they will impose will make those guilty of it, that have long abhor’d the traiterousnesse of the act: But I confesse having had so frequent testimonies of your truths and courages, I cannot have a reasonable suspition of any cowardly falling of from the former resolutions, and have onely mentioned this last, as a part of my duty and care of you, not
of my reall doubts and fears: or if with untryed men we were to argue on this subject, what is it can be hoped for in a change, which we have not allready? Is it liberty? The sun looks not on a people more free then we are from all oppression. Is it wealth? Hundreds of examples shew us that Industry & Thrift in a short time may bring us to as high a degree of it, as the Country and our Conditions are yet capable of: Is it securety to enjoy this wealth when gotten? With out blushing I will speake it, I am confident theare lives not that person can accuse me of attempting the least act against any mans property? Is it peace? The Indians, God be blessed round about us are subdued; we can onely feare the Londoners, who would faine bring us to the same poverty, wherein the Dutch found and relieved us; would take away the liberty of our consciences, and tongues, and our right of giving and selling our goods to whom we please. But Gentlemen
by the Grace of God we will not so tamely part with our King, and all these blessings we enjoy under him; and if they oppose us, do but follow me, I will either lead you to victory, or loose a life which I cannot more gloriously sacrifice then for my loyalty, and your security.

Grieved Subjects

The Solemn League and Covenant, as published in England, 1643, from J. Lane, The Reign Of King Covenant, London 1956.
The Solemn League and Covenant, as published in England, 1643, from J. Lane, The Reign Of King Covenant, London 1956.

We shall demand nothing of the King’s Majesty but the settling and securing of the true Religion and Liberties of this Kingdom, according to the Constitutions and Acts of the late Assemblies and Parliament, and what a just Prince oweth by the Laws of God and the Country to his grieved Subjects, coming before him with their humble Desires and Supplications. Our abode in England shall be no longer time than in their Parliament, our just Grievances and Complaints may be heard and Redressed, sufficient Assurance given for the legal Trial and Punishment of the Authors of their and our Evils; and for reforming and enjoying their and our Religion and Liberties in Peace, against the Machinations of Romish contrivance acted by their degenerate Countrymen. Our returning thereafter shall be with Expedition in a peaceable and orderly Way, far from all Molestation; and we trust the effect shall be against Papists, the extirpation of Popery; against Prelates, the Reformation of the Church; against Atheists, the flourishing of the Gospel; and against Traitors and Firebrands, a perfect and durable Union and Love between the two Kingdoms; which he grant who knoweth our Intentions and Desires, and is able to bring them to pass. And if any more be required, God will reveal it, and go before both Nations, and if God go before us, who will not follow, or refuse to put their Necks to the Work of the Lord?

The Intentions of the Army of the Kingdom of Scotland, Declared to their Brethren of England by the Commissioners of the late Parliament, and by the General, Noblemen, Barons, and other Officers of the Army. Historical Collections of Private Passages of State: Volume 3, 1639-40. Originally published by D Browne, London, 1721.

That Vice Runs Much in a Bloud

Archibald Campbell, 1st (and only) Marquess of Argyll, by David Scougall.
Archibald Campbell, 1st (and only) Marquess of Argyll, by David Scougall.

Reasons against the Restoration of Argyll Confiscated 
Property.1

Some reasons why Archibald Campbell, sometime Lord Lorn, ought not to be restored to the honour or estate of his late father, Archibald, sometime Marquess of Argyle (“Argyll”):—

  1. BECAUSE it hath been alwaies held very dangerous, both for the interest of the Prince and peace of the people, to restore the children of powerful traitors to their fathers’ honours or estates, which experience demonstrated to be too true in the Gowries.
  2. The restoring of this family is in a special manner most dangerous, by reason of the scituation and vast bounds of the estate of Argyle (“Argyll”) in the Highlands, the great claim, many vassals and tenants that depend on it, all, or for the much greater part, ill principled, and inured to rebellion these last 20 years, who blindly follow their master’s commands, without any regard to their duty to God or the King, so that it is a most fit place to be the nest and seminary of rebellion, as it proved in the late Argyle’s time, to the great prejudice of his Majestie’s service, and mine of many loyal subjects. And this same very reason was brought by the late Argyle against the Marquis of Antrum, to dispossesse him of the lordship of Kentyre (Cinntìre), which he had purchased with the consent of his late Majesty. For he pretended that it was dangerous to suffer the said Marquis of Antrum to enjoy these lands, by reason of the great power of the family of the MacDonalds, and of the bad consequences that usually follow the restoring of persons to an estate which they had formerly lost by forfeiture. But it’s evident to all men that this reason is much more forcible against Argyle himself and his posterity.

  3. It’s directly against the council and advice of the modern Solomon K. James, his Majestie’s grandfather, of blessed memory, who, in his ‘Basilicondoron,’ speaks thus to his son: “As for the matter of forfeitures, which are also done in Parliaments, my advice is, you forfeit none but for such odious crimes as may make them unworthy ever to be restored again.” And in the same book, speaking of the High-landers and their oppressions, he subjoyns this good council to his son: “Put in execution the laws made against the over-lords and chieffs of their clans, and it will be no difficulty to daunton them.”

  4. The restoring of this family would prove a dangerous president to encourage rebellious and traiterous spirits to perpetuate such horrid crimes as the late Argyle did, upon hopes, that whatsoever treasons they commit, their families and posterity may still stand: whereas, upon the contrary, the exemplary punishment and eradicating of this family (especially at this first happy appearance of his Majestie’s justice) will be a scar-crow to all others, and serve as a beacon to make them shun the rocks of rebellion, which they know will undoubtedly shipwreck not only themselves, but also their posterity. In confirmation whereof, it was observed that the late Argyle, when he received sentence, was more moved at that part which touched the ruine of his posterity and family, than for what concerned his own person.

  5. The restoring of the son would be prejudicial to many of his Majestie’s loyal subjects of the best quality, and to divers orphans and widows who have been opprest and almost ruined by the father, and can expect no other reparation of their losses, but from the forfeiture of the said estate, unlesse his Majesty would put himself to unnecessary charges to repair them some other way.

  6. The restoring of this family is not only dangerous and inconvenient for the aforesaid general reasons, but also for the said Archibald his particular faults and misdemeanors; for, besides that vice runs much in a bloud, as King James hath observed, it’s well known that both he and his brother Neil are of the same principles with their father, who died impenitent, asserting the Covenant, and sowing the seeds of sedition and rebellion, and, as it were, entailing it upon his children, as appears by his last speech — which bad principles were instilled in them both with their milk; and to make the elder more compleat, he was sent abroad to be bred at Geneva, with recommendations from his father to that Kirk, and to the Presbyterians of France, where he kept correspondence between his father and them; and the younger was lately proved to have been privy and consenting to all his father’s treacherous complyances with the English in Scotland, and to have been actually in arms with them.

  7. The bad principles and inclinations of the elder appeared when his Majesty retired from St Johnstons, with intention to go to some of his loyal subjects in the northern parts of Scotland; for immediately upon that news he rifled his Majestie’s cabinets, and, after his Majestie’s return, he being captain of the guard, put a padlock on his Majestie’s door, keeping him a prisoner — which sufficiently shows that he is his father’s son.

  8. To evidence further his bad inclinations and aversion from his Majestie’s service, he never raised regiment or company all the time the King was in Scotland to joyn with the Royal army. But a little before his Majesty was to march into England, he eagerly urged that some parties might be drawn out of every regiment to make up one for himself, under pretence of the King’s Guard; and though he knew that would be undoubtedly denied him, yet he still persisted to press the same, on pur pose to have some pretence of discontent, that so he might avoid marching into England with his Majesty, which shal be testified by some who were then privy to his father’s and his own designs.

  9. Though it be pretended, for expiation of these misdemeanours, that he appeared thereafter in his Majestie’s service in the High-lands, under the Earl of Glencairne and Middleton, his Majestie’s generals, yet that doth no waies eveience his loyalty, and cannot expiate the least of his faults, for divers reasons: (1) Because when he was there, in his usual discourses he eagerly asserted the Covenant, and justified the barbarous death of the renowned Marquess of Montross, his Majestie’s general, as he had barbarously and scandalously insulted over him at his carting and execution. (2) Because even then he combined with the late Lord Balcarras to divide his Majestie’s forces, by endeavouring to renew and set up that fatal and rebellious Covenant. (3) Because he endeavoured also another way to destroy those forces by using all possible persuasions with the Viscount of Kenmure to make him usurp the general’s place, not only without, but against the King’s order; and fearing this unsuccessful treachery would come out, to shun his deserved punishment he immediately fled away to his father’s bounds, from whence he wrote letters to make some chief gentlemen desert his Majestie’s general, and so break his forces. And this is all the great loyalty that ever he shewed, which is so much brag’d of by his friends and intercessours.

  10. And that he persisted still in the same bad inclinations divers years after, appeared lately; for when General Monck, now Duke of Albemarle, was upon his last march into England, and had made some transactions with his Majestie’s loyal subjects of Scotland for promoting his Majestie’s happy restoration, the said Archibald, then dwelling in one of the Marquesse of Huntlye’s houses, did not only divert all those under his power, but also dealt with divers others, to enter into a combination with him, and to sign bonds to oppose the said general’s noble and immortal designs.

  11. The restoring of the said Archibald will be also dangerous for the great store of money that in all probability is left him by his father, who received great summes from the pretended States of Scotland for all his treacherous and cruel expeditions against his Majestie’s loyal subjects there; and also from the Parliament of England, and particularly 40 thousand pound sterling at the delivering up of the ‘King at Newcastle, besides a good summe he had thereafter from Cromwell; and what he made up by the revenues of two bishopricks these 20 years, by seizing the Marquess of Huntlye’s estate, and a part of the Marquess of Montrosses; by exacting divers of his Majestie’s few-duties payable to the Exchequer; by oppressing of many gentlemen his neighbours, and dispossessing them of their estates: all which cannot amount to lesse then a hundred and fifty thousand pound sterling, which summe must remain entire or little diminished, since it’s known he lived sparingly, and these last 20 years he would pay none of his debts, neither principals nor profits; so that his son, having such store of money, is as powerfull as his father to do mischief if he be restored.

  12. Lastly, as the restoring of this family would be a notable prejudice to many who have been opprest by it, and no small grief to his Majestie’s loyal subjects, who justly apprehend the dangers that may thence ensue to his Majestie’s prejudice and disturbance of the nation, and would strengthen the hands of his Majestie’s enemies and weaken his friends, so it is the only hopes and desire of those who have been enemies to his Majestie’s father, of blessed memory, or who by this means expect the resurrection of the rebellious Covenant so destructive to monarchy. And therefore that family in prudence ought not to be restored.

1 From the Pamphlet of an Enemy of the Argyll Family.

— Lord Archibald Campbell’s Records of Argyll (1885).

Là Inbhir Lòchaidh

Ruins of Inverlochy Castle near Inverlochy and Fort William, Highland, Scotland.
The ruin of Inverlochy Castle near Inverlochy and Fort William, Highland, Scotland.

Alasdair of sharp, biting blades,
if you had the heroes of Mull with you,
you would have stopped those who got away,
as the dulse-eating rabble took to their heels.

Alasdair, son of handsome Colla,
skilled hand at cleaving castles,
you put to flight the Lowland pale-face:
what kale they had taken came out again.

You remember the place called the Tawny Field?
It got a fine dose of manure;
not the dung of sheep or goats,
but Campbell blood well congealed.

 

 * * *

Sèist

Hì rim hò ro, hò ro leatha,
Hì rim hò ro, hò ro leatha,
Hì rim hò ro, hò ro leatha,
Chaidh an latha le Clann Dòmhnaill.

An cuala sibhse an tionndadh duineil
Thug an camp bha ‘n Cille Chuimein?
‘S fada chaidh ainm air an iomairt,
Thug iad às an naimhdean iomain.

Dhìrich mi moch madainn Dòmhnaich
Gu bràigh caisteil Inbhir Lòchaidh;
Chunnaic mi ‘n t-arm dol an òrdugh,
‘S bha buaidh a’ bhlàir le Clann Dòmhnaill.

Dìreadh a-mach glùn Chùil Eachaidh,
Dh’aithnich mi oirbh sùrd bhur tapaidh;
Ged bha mo dhùthaich na lasair,
‘S èirig air a’ chùis mar thachair.

Ged bhiodh iarlachd a’ Bhràghad
An seachd bliadhna seo mar tha e,
Gun chur, gun chliathadh, gun àiteach,
‘S math an riadh o bheil sinn pàighte.

Air do làimh-sa, Thighearna Labhair,
Ge mòr do bhòsd as do chlaidheamh,
‘S iomadh òglach chinne d’ athar
Tha ‘n Inbhir Lòchaidh na laighe.

‘S ioma fear gòrsaid is pillein,
Cho math ‘s a bha riamh dheth d’ chinneadh,
Nach d’ fhoad a bhotann thoirt tioram,
Ach foghlam snàmh air Bun Nimheis.

‘S iomadh fear aid agus pice
Agus cuilbheire chaoil dhìrich
Bha ‘n Inbhir Lòchaidh na shìneadh,
‘S bha luaidh nam ban à Cinn-tìr’ ann.

Sgeul a b’ àite ‘n uair a thigeadh,
Air Caimbeulaich nam beul sligneach,
H-uile dream dhiubh mur a thigeadh,
Le bualadh lann ‘n ceann gam briseadh.

‘N latha a shaoil iad a dhol leotha
‘S ann bha laoich gan ruith air reothadh:
‘S iomadh slaodanach mòr odhar,
A bheir aodann Ach’ an Todhair.

Ge b’ e dhìreadh Tom na h-Aire,
‘S iomadh spòg ùr bh’ air dhroch shailleadh,
Neul marbh air an suil gun anam
‘N dèidh an sgiùrsadh le lannan.

Thug sibh toiteal teth ma Lochaidh,
Bhith gam bualadh mu na srònaibh,
Bu lìonmhor claidheamh claisghorm còmhnard,
Bha bualadh ‘n lamhan Chlann Dòmhnaill.

Nuair chruinnich mòr dhragh na falachd,
‘N àm rùsgadh na ‘n greidlein tana,
Bha iongnan Dhuimhneach ri talamh,
An dèidh an lùithean a ghearradh.

‘S lionmhor corp nochte gun aodach
Tha nan sìneadh air Chnoc an Fhraoiche
On bhlàr an greasta na saoidhean,
Gu ceann Leitir Blàr a’ Chaorainn.

Dh’ innsinn sgeul eile le fìrinn,
Cho math ‘s nì clèireach a sgrìobhadh,
Chaidh na laoich ud gu ‘n dìcheall
‘S chuir iad maoim air luchd am mì-rùin.

Iain Mhuideartaich nan seòl soilleir,
Sheòladh an cuan ri là doillear,
Ort cha d’ fhuaireadh bristeadh coinne,
‘S ait’ leam Barra-breac fo d’ chomas.

Cha b’ e sud an siubhal cearbach
A thug Alasdair do dh’Albainn,
Creachadh, losgadh, agus marbhadh,
‘S leagadh leis Coileach Strath Bhalgaidh.

An t-eun dona chaill a cheutaidh,
An Sasunn, ‘n Albainn, ‘s an Èirinn,
Ite e à cùrr na sgèithe:
Cha miste leam ged a ghèill e.

Alasdair nan a geurlann sgaiteach,
Gheall thu ‘n dè a bhith cur às daibh,
Chuir thu ‘n retreuta seach an caisteal,
Seòladh glè mhath air an leantainn.

Alasdair nan geurlann guineach.
Nam biodh agad àrmuinn Mhuile;
Thug thu air na dh’fhalbh dhiubh fuireach,
‘S retreut air pràbar an duilisg.

Alasdair Mhic Cholla ghasda,
Làmh dheas a sgoltadh nan caisteal ;
Chuir thu ‘n ruaig air Ghallaibh glasa,
‘S ma dh’òl iad càil, gun chuir thu asd’ e.

‘M b’ aithne dhuibhse ‘n Goirtean Odhar?
‘S math a bha e air a thodhar,
Chan innear chaorach no ghobhar
Ach fuil Dhuibhneach an dèidh reothadh.

Sgrios oirbh mas truagh leam bhur càramh,
‘G èisteachd an-shocair bhur pàistean.
Caoidh a’ phanail bh’ anns an àraich,
Donnalaich bhàn Earra-ghàidheal.

— Iain Lom MacDonald (c. 1624–c. 1710).

Archibald Campbell, Marquess of Argyll

Archibald Campbell, 1st Marquess of Argyll, 8th Earl of Argyll, chief of Clan Campbell, (March 1607 – 27 May 1661) was the de facto head of government in Scotland during most of the conflict known as the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. He was a towering figure in the Covenanter movement which fought for the Presbyterian religion and what they viewed as Scottish interests during the English Civil War of the 1640s and 1650s. He is often remembered as the arch-enemy of the royalist general James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose. Painting by David Scougall.

Is It True That He’s a Traitor?

James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose.

Montrose, Montrose, you were the rose
You gave your life for loyalty
But it’s no’ the hour for a rose tae flower
Between the kirk and royalty
Montrose

Father, father, tell me, why do the horsemen ride
Why do the troopers look so grim by Jamie Graham’s side
Is it true that he’s a traitor, father, tell me why
There’s no’ a man among them all will look him in the eye

Hide your eyes, my bonny boy, for the deed is a’ but done
The headsman’s axe will win the day, the Graham’s race is run
For honour rode with courage, but evil rode with guile
And the darkest horse among them a’ was the vengeance of Argyll

Hearken now, my bonny boy, as we stand before the kirk
Or does the thunder o’ the horses’ hooves hide a’ the devil’s work
For the Covenant’s a Campbell mare that rides across the law
And ere a Stuart bridles her, a Graham’s heid must fa’

I’ll read you now a riddle by the shining o’ the moon
When king and kirk sit down tae sup, wha needs the longer spoon
When Scotland hides her head in shame and justice looks awa’
And the scaffold buys an English throne wi’ the bravest heart of a’

Montrose, Brian McNeill.

Castle Sween

Castle Sween is located on the eastern shore of Loch Sween, in Knapdale, on the west coast of Argyll, Scotland. It is thought to be one of the earliest stone castles built in Scotland, having been built sometime in the late XII century. The castle’s towers were later additions to wooden structures which have now since vanished.

Castle Sween takes its name from Suibhne, who is thought to have built the castle. Suibhne is believed to have been a grandson of Hugh “the Splendid” O’Neill who died in 1047.

In the XIII century the Clan MacSween, or descendants of Suibhne, governed lands extending as far north as Loch Awe and as far south as Skipness Castle on Loch Fyne. In the later half of the XIII the MacSween lands of Knapdale passed into the hands of the Stewart Earls of Menteith.

By the time of the Wars of Scottish Independence the MacSweens took the wrong side, and when Robert the Bruce became King of Scots, he displaced the MacSweens from their lands. After Robert the Bruce had defeated MacDougall Lord of Lorne in 1308, he then laid siege to Alasdair Og MacDonald in Castle Sween. Alastair gave himself up and was disinherited by Robert Bruce who then granted Islay to Alasdair’s younger brother, Angus Og, the king’s loyal supporter, who also received the Castle Sween in Kintyre from the King.

In 1310, Edward II of England granted John MacSween and his brothers their family’s ancestral lands of Knapdale (though by then Castle Sween was held by Sir John Menteith). It is possible that this could be the “tryst of a fleet against Castle Sween,” recorded in the Book of the Dean of Lismore, which tells of the attack of John Mac Sween on Castle Sween.

In 1323, after the death of Sir John Menteith, the Lordship of Arran and Knapdale passed to his son and grandson. In 1376, half of Knapdale, which included Castle Sween, passed into possession of the MacDonald Lords of the Isles, by grant of Robert II of Scotland to his son-in-law John I, Lord of the Isles.

During the MacDonald’s century and a half of holding the castle, the castellans were first MacNeils and later MacMillans.

Castle Sween from the loch.

In 1490 Castle Sween was granted to Colin Campbell, 1st Earl of Argyll, by James IV of Scotland.

In 1647, during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, Castle Sween was attacked and burnt by Alasdair MacColla and his Irish Confederate followers.

Skipness Castle

Skipness Castle stands on the east side of the Kintyre Peninsula in Scotland near the village of Skipness.

The main structure of the castle was built in the early XIII century by the Clan MacSween with later fortifications and other additions made to the castle through the XIII, XIV, and XVI centuries.

The castle was garrisoned with royal troops in 1494 during King James IV of Scotland’s suppression of the Lordship of the Isles. Archibald Campbell, 2nd Earl of Argyll, granted Skipness to his younger son Archibald Campbell in 1511.

During the Wars of the Three Kingdoms in 1646, the castle was besieged by forces under the command of Alasdair Mac Colla. During the siege, Alasdair’s brother, Gilleasbuig Mac Colla, was killed in August 1646.

The castle was abandoned in the XVII century.

Monument to the Marquess of Argyll

Monument to Archibald Campbell, First (and Only) Marquess of Argyll in St. Giles’ Cathedral (High Kirk of Edinburgh), Edinburgh, Scotland. (1607–1661); the Marquess was the elder son of the 7th Earl, was tried for high treason, attainted and all his honours forfeit in 1661.